Maternity leave is intended for mothers for a period of 105 days as a full absence from work, of which 15 days are mandatory. It starts 28 days before the expected date of delivery, except in the case of premature birth. With a mother’s application to claim rights at the birth of a child, the mother claims the right to maternity leave and maternity pay, the right to parental leave and parental pay, extended parental leave, and the right to assistance at the birth of the child, if the father does not claim it (MDDSZ 2022).
Paternity leave is intended for fathers and lasts for 30 calendar days. The father must use at least 15 calendar days from the birth of the child until one month after the end of the parental leave/parental allowance, and the remainder up to 30 days at any time until the end of the child’s first year of primary school. Other persons who actually care for and protect the child after its birth are also entitled to paternity leave (other person, mother’s spouse, unmarried partner or registered same-sex partner, and spouse, unmarried partner, or partner of a registered same-sex partnership of a person who uses maternity leave). In the case of the simultaneous birth of twins or more children, paternity leave for the second or subsequent child is extended by ten additional days. Paternity leave is also extended for the second or subsequent child in the case of the adoption of twins or more children born at the same time or two or more children of different ages until the end of the first year of primary school of the oldest child (MDDSZ 2022).
Parental leave is intended for both the mother and father, for a duration of 130 days for each parent (a total of 260 days) in the form of full or partial absence from work. The mother can transfer 100 days of parental leave to the father, while 30 days are non-transferable and can only be used by the mother (the father can usually use a maximum of 230 days, exceptionally all 260). The father can transfer 130 days of parental leave to the mother (the mother can use all 260 days). In the case of the birth of twins or multiple children, premature births, or children requiring special care and attention, parental leave can be extended. Parents can transfer and use up to 75 days of parental leave until the end of their child’s first year of elementary school (MDDSZ 2022).
“The Parental Allowance is intended for mothers (or fathers after 77 days from the birth of the child) who are not insured for parental care (students, unemployed). The entitled person is included in pension and disability insurance for the duration of the right. The mother (or father if he/she benefits from the allowance) and the child must have a permanent or temporary residence in the Republic of Slovenia and actually reside in the Republic of Slovenia. The right lasts for 365 days from the birth of the child, in the case of the birth of twins or more children, premature infants, a child who needs special care and protection, it is extended (MDDSZ 2022).”
One of the parents who takes care of and protects the child is entitled to a reduced working hours due to parenthood until the child is three years old; one of the parents who takes care of and protects a child with moderate or severe physical or mental disabilities until the child reaches 18 years old; one of the parents who takes care of and protects at least two children until the youngest child finishes the first grade of elementary school, where one year of the entitlement cannot be transferred for either parent (Official Gazette RS, No. 64/18).
A parent who leaves the labour market to care for four or more children with whom he or she shares a permanent or temporary residence in the Republic of Slovenia and who has been insured for parental care for at least 12 months in the last three years or who has been an active jobseeker in accordance with the law regulating the labour market for at least 12 months in the last three years shall be entitled to the payment of the social security contributions referred to in the seventh paragraph of Article 50(7). Article 7, paragraph 7 of this Law until the youngest child has completed the first grade of primary school, in accordance with the regulations governing primary school (Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia, No 64/18).
Social security on the farm is necessary, but not guaranteed. In jobs where we are not our own employer, social security is taken care of by our employer, but on the farm or in the case of self-employment, it is up to us and us alone to arrange social security.
Today, we still see many cases where women farmers are not guaranteed social protection. Because of the financial situation on the farm, often only the farm owner is covered for pensions and disability insurance. For women or people who are not covered by pension and disability insurance, all this significantly reduces the chances of a decent pension and at least partial economic independence in old age.
Social security is provided through social insurance entitlements and social transfers. Social insurance includes pension and invalidity insurance, health insurance and parental care insurance. Women and men farmers are covered by all three at the same time with a single registration, but are not covered by unemployment insurance. A female farmer (in pension and invalidity insurance) is a person who carries out an agricultural activity or an agricultural and forestry activity or a complementary activity on a farm (agricultural activity), as defined in the Agriculture Act, and is the owner or a member of a farm. The persons liable to make applications for insurance shall be the insured persons themselves, if they are agricultural holders. The members of the farm shall be registered for insurance by the holder or holder of the agricultural activity (ZPIZ 2022).
The obligor pays social security contributions on the basis of the insurance base determined in accordance with the regulations on pension and disability insurance, namely at least on the basis of 60% of the average annual salary of employees in the Republic of Slovenia (hereafter referred to as the “AWP”), but may decide to increase the insurance base up to 3.5 times the AWP (FURS 2022). The amount of rural insurance contributions also changes as the average annual salary changes.
Social transfers include family benefits, social security benefits (cash social assistance, childcare allowance, etc.) and other transfers.
Farmers’ health insurance rights:
-to pay for health services,
-to salary compensation during temporary absence from work,
-to reimburse travel expenses for claiming health services,
-for treatment abroad.
Rights of a farmer insured under parental care insurance:
-leave (maternity, paternity, parental),
-compensation (maternity, paternity, parental),
-the right to part-time work and the right to social security contributions for parenthood,
-the right to have contributions paid if you have four or more children,
-breastfeeding allowance and entitlement to social security contributions during breastfeeding breaks (only in the case of an established employment relationship).
If you are employed off the farm but run a complementary activity on the farm, you must also take out insurance. In this case, they must pay an occupational injury and disease contribution and an “every job counts” contribution.
Enakost spolov označuje enake pravice, enake možnosti, enake odgovornosti in enako obravnavo moških in žensk, v javnem in zasebnem življenju. Pomembno je poudariti, da enakost ne pomeni niti ne zasleduje istosti, gre zgolj za enakost v pravicah, odgovornostih in možnostih, ne glede na to ali se rodimo kot moški ali kot ženske. Enakosti spolov ne smemo razumeti kot izključno ženskega vprašanja, saj na enakovreden način zadeva tudi moške, njihove pravice in možnosti. Enakost spolov lahko razumemo tudi kot predpogoj demokracije in pomemben pokazatelj trajnostnega razvoja.
Enakopravnost spolov je ožji pojem od enakosti spolov, opredeljuje pa predvsem pravno zagotovljeno enakost moških in žensk, ki pa še ne pomeni da lahko spoli tudi v praksi živijo enako, so deležni enakih možnosti in enake obravnave.
Enaka delitev gospodinjskih obveznosti pomeni, da si tako ženske kot moški delijo vse naloge in zadolžitve, ki sodijo v okvir gospodinjskega dela. Enaka delitev je zelo pomembna, saj predstavlja pogoj ki vodi k enakosti spolov.
Spolne vloge predstavljajo družbene norme, ki veljajo kot primerne, zaželene in pričakovane za pripadnike oziroma pripadnice točno določenega spola. Pri spolnih vlogah lahko pogosto opazimo prisotnost tradicionalnega razumevanja vloge spolov, ki so povezane zlasti z gospodinjskim delom ali dostopom do financ in moči po drugi strani. Spolne norme se lahko sčasoma spreminjajo.
Usklajevanje poklicnega in zasebnega življenja predvideva iskanje ravnovesja med delom in življenjskim stilom, ki smo si ga izbrali (družina, prosti čas, …). Za uveljavljanje enakosti spolov in enakih možnosti obeh spolov je nujno usklajevanje poklicnega in zasebnega življenja, ki ne vodi v dvojno ali trojno obremenjenost žensk.
S hegemono moškostjo označujemo vse kulturne norme, ki moškost povezujejo z močjo, uspehom in ekonomskimi dosežki. Včasih se hegemona moškost naslavlja tudi kot toksična moškost, saj gre za škodljive vzorce moškosti, ki imajo negativen vpliva na moške in na ženske, govorimo lahko celo o ceni moškosti, ki prinaša moškim številne (tudi zdravstvene) težave in povzroča škodo.
Aktivno očetovstvo predvideva enakovredno vključenost moških v skrbstvene obveznosti povezane z nego in vzgojo otroka in pomeni preseganje tradicionalne stereotipne vloge moškega, kot tistega, ki je za otroke skrbel z udejanjanjem zunaj doma – z delom in finančno podporo. Namesto tega aktivno očetovstvo predvideva enakovredno nudenje čustvene opore otrokom tudi s strani očetov.
Po mednarodni definiciji, ki jo je po priporočilu odbora ministrov v dokumentu sprejel Svet Evrope, lahko seksizem označimo kot izraz “zgodovinsko neenakih razmerij moči” med moškimi in ženskami, kar vodi v diskriminacijo in preprečuje polno emancipacijo oziroma napredek žensk v družbi.
Spolna delitev dela predpostavlja, da ženske in moški opravljajo različna dela, pri čemer je delitev tesno povezana z njihovim spolom. V praksi to pomeni, da ženske opravljajo določena dela, zato ker so ženske in obenem to predstavlja razlog zakaj moških teh istih del ne opravljajo.
Skrbstveno delo je povezano z nudenjem nege in skrbi tistim, ki jo potrebujejo: otrokom, bolnim, starejšim. Navadno, zaradi tradicionalnih spolnih vlog in delitve dela so za skrbstveno delo zadolžene predvsem ženske.
Demokratični primanjkljaj predvideva vpliv, ki ga ima manjša zastopanost žensk (in s tem posledično višja zastopanost moških) na legitimnost demokracije.
Neplačano delo predvideva opravljanje zelo pomembnega dela (družbeno koristnega in nujnega – na primer skrbstvenega in gospodinjskega dela), za katerega pa ni predvidenega nobenega plačila. Neplačano delo je neenakomerno razporejeno med spoloma – ženske opravijo veliko večjo količino tovrstnega dela kot moški.
The thesis analyses the changes in the social and physical environment that affect the experiences and challenges faced by rural women, with a particular focus on the process of individualisation, which can also be understood as a disrupter of traditional norms for individuals. The empirical part consists of an analysis of the answers given by rural women from Brežice, with a particular focus on the following issues: despite their great contribution and the large amount of work they do, women are without (their own) income and their social security is threatened. The most significant constraint to individualisation is the way in which decisions are taken, with greater decision-making power being exercised by the younger generation of women, who are also better educated.
In the paper, the author highlights some aspects of rurality that explain the dominant discourse used both by victims of violence and by institutions and services that come into contact with victims or deal with violence (in rural settings). Reporting and prevention of violence in rural areas is made more difficult by living in environments where everyone knows everyone, which has an impact on both unreliable reporting of experienced or observed violence and high tolerance of violence. The author also pays special attention to support services, which in these settings usually (personally) know both the perpetrator and the victim, which may affect their ability to identify violence.
SOURCE: Domestic violence in settings where everyone knows everyone. Social Work, Vol. 55, Issue 1/2, pp. 39-53.
The master’s thesis deals with the analysis of the social and economic situation of women on farms in the Podravje region. The empirical part of the research is based on the analysis of the answers of fifty women (members and holders of agricultural holdings) who answered a questionnaire. The most important findings of the survey indicated that women holders are more empowered to take decisions than members of agricultural holdings. While only a good third of female farmers consider themselves to be economically independent, on the other hand, there are 22% of all respondents who do not have pension and invalidity insurance.
The thesis analyses the socio-economic situation of rural women in the Upper Vipava Valley. The empirical part of the analysis is based on a survey conducted on a sample of sixty peasant women (members of the Upper Vipava Peasant Women’s Association), which revealed a number of challenges that stand in the way of achieving equal status for women in rural areas: the low number of women as farm owners; women’s poorer social security; the traditional gender division of labour; the lack of women in public and political life, organising and participation. The author particularly highlights the improvement of infrastructural living conditions as an important element in improving the situation of women in rural areas (facilitating access to services, bringing certain services closer to rural areas).
This master thesis analyses the consequences of the individualisation process for rural women, providing a comparative insight into the socio-economic situation and role of rural women in the 20th century and today. The author concludes that time has brought a certain improvement in the quality of life of rural women, but that the progress in the social life of women has not been satisfactory. Even today, rural women are excluded from public and political life, overburdened with work (the division of labour is largely influenced by gender and related expectations) and economically dependent, which is evidence of the persistence of androcentrism in the everyday lives of rural women.
The thesis presents the traditional perception of rural women, with a special emphasis on the ways they are represented in Slovenian literature, and the theoretical part of the thesis is based on the changes that have taken place, especially in the field of work (division of labour, valuation of work). In the empirical part, the thesis examines the presence and persistence of traditional divisions of labour – it is found that such patterns of division of labour are still very much present, as women are the ones who do most of the work related to caring for the home and family (housework, education), while men do the work related to machinery.
The theoretical part of the thesis highlights some of the specific features of violence against rural women (strong dependence on partners; low self-esteem; lower level of education; strong attachment to the environment; geographical distance to support systems and services; and the existence of traditional gender roles), while the empirical part provides an assessment of exposure to domestic violence. The author concludes that women (regardless of education and age) are more likely to be exposed to harshness, indignation, unfriendliness and quick anger, with younger women in the study sample tolerating violence to a greater extent than older women.