Enakost spolov označuje enake pravice, enake možnosti, enake odgovornosti in enako obravnavo moških in žensk, v javnem in zasebnem življenju. Pomembno je poudariti, da enakost ne pomeni niti ne zasleduje istosti, gre zgolj za enakost v pravicah, odgovornostih in možnostih, ne glede na to ali se rodimo kot moški ali kot ženske. Enakosti spolov ne smemo razumeti kot izključno ženskega vprašanja, saj na enakovreden način zadeva tudi moške, njihove pravice in možnosti. Enakost spolov lahko razumemo tudi kot predpogoj demokracije in pomemben pokazatelj trajnostnega razvoja.
Enakopravnost spolov je ožji pojem od enakosti spolov, opredeljuje pa predvsem pravno zagotovljeno enakost moških in žensk, ki pa še ne pomeni da lahko spoli tudi v praksi živijo enako, so deležni enakih možnosti in enake obravnave.
Enaka delitev gospodinjskih obveznosti pomeni, da si tako ženske kot moški delijo vse naloge in zadolžitve, ki sodijo v okvir gospodinjskega dela. Enaka delitev je zelo pomembna, saj predstavlja pogoj ki vodi k enakosti spolov.
Spolne vloge predstavljajo družbene norme, ki veljajo kot primerne, zaželene in pričakovane za pripadnike oziroma pripadnice točno določenega spola. Pri spolnih vlogah lahko pogosto opazimo prisotnost tradicionalnega razumevanja vloge spolov, ki so povezane zlasti z gospodinjskim delom ali dostopom do financ in moči po drugi strani. Spolne norme se lahko sčasoma spreminjajo.
Usklajevanje poklicnega in zasebnega življenja predvideva iskanje ravnovesja med delom in življenjskim stilom, ki smo si ga izbrali (družina, prosti čas, …). Za uveljavljanje enakosti spolov in enakih možnosti obeh spolov je nujno usklajevanje poklicnega in zasebnega življenja, ki ne vodi v dvojno ali trojno obremenjenost žensk.
S hegemono moškostjo označujemo vse kulturne norme, ki moškost povezujejo z močjo, uspehom in ekonomskimi dosežki. Včasih se hegemona moškost naslavlja tudi kot toksična moškost, saj gre za škodljive vzorce moškosti, ki imajo negativen vpliva na moške in na ženske, govorimo lahko celo o ceni moškosti, ki prinaša moškim številne (tudi zdravstvene) težave in povzroča škodo.
Aktivno očetovstvo predvideva enakovredno vključenost moških v skrbstvene obveznosti povezane z nego in vzgojo otroka in pomeni preseganje tradicionalne stereotipne vloge moškega, kot tistega, ki je za otroke skrbel z udejanjanjem zunaj doma – z delom in finančno podporo. Namesto tega aktivno očetovstvo predvideva enakovredno nudenje čustvene opore otrokom tudi s strani očetov.
Po mednarodni definiciji, ki jo je po priporočilu odbora ministrov v dokumentu sprejel Svet Evrope, lahko seksizem označimo kot izraz “zgodovinsko neenakih razmerij moči” med moškimi in ženskami, kar vodi v diskriminacijo in preprečuje polno emancipacijo oziroma napredek žensk v družbi.
Spolna delitev dela predpostavlja, da ženske in moški opravljajo različna dela, pri čemer je delitev tesno povezana z njihovim spolom. V praksi to pomeni, da ženske opravljajo določena dela, zato ker so ženske in obenem to predstavlja razlog zakaj moških teh istih del ne opravljajo.
Skrbstveno delo je povezano z nudenjem nege in skrbi tistim, ki jo potrebujejo: otrokom, bolnim, starejšim. Navadno, zaradi tradicionalnih spolnih vlog in delitve dela so za skrbstveno delo zadolžene predvsem ženske.
Demokratični primanjkljaj predvideva vpliv, ki ga ima manjša zastopanost žensk (in s tem posledično višja zastopanost moških) na legitimnost demokracije.
Neplačano delo predvideva opravljanje zelo pomembnega dela (družbeno koristnega in nujnega – na primer skrbstvenega in gospodinjskega dela), za katerega pa ni predvidenega nobenega plačila. Neplačano delo je neenakomerno razporejeno med spoloma – ženske opravijo veliko večjo količino tovrstnega dela kot moški.
The thesis analyses the changes in the social and physical environment that affect the experiences and challenges faced by rural women, with a particular focus on the process of individualisation, which can also be understood as a disrupter of traditional norms for individuals. The empirical part consists of an analysis of the answers given by rural women from Brežice, with a particular focus on the following issues: despite their great contribution and the large amount of work they do, women are without (their own) income and their social security is threatened. The most significant constraint to individualisation is the way in which decisions are taken, with greater decision-making power being exercised by the younger generation of women, who are also better educated.
In the paper, the author highlights some aspects of rurality that explain the dominant discourse used both by victims of violence and by institutions and services that come into contact with victims or deal with violence (in rural settings). Reporting and prevention of violence in rural areas is made more difficult by living in environments where everyone knows everyone, which has an impact on both unreliable reporting of experienced or observed violence and high tolerance of violence. The author also pays special attention to support services, which in these settings usually (personally) know both the perpetrator and the victim, which may affect their ability to identify violence.
SOURCE: Domestic violence in settings where everyone knows everyone. Social Work, Vol. 55, Issue 1/2, pp. 39-53.
The master’s thesis deals with the analysis of the social and economic situation of women on farms in the Podravje region. The empirical part of the research is based on the analysis of the answers of fifty women (members and holders of agricultural holdings) who answered a questionnaire. The most important findings of the survey indicated that women holders are more empowered to take decisions than members of agricultural holdings. While only a good third of female farmers consider themselves to be economically independent, on the other hand, there are 22% of all respondents who do not have pension and invalidity insurance.
The thesis analyses the socio-economic situation of rural women in the Upper Vipava Valley. The empirical part of the analysis is based on a survey conducted on a sample of sixty peasant women (members of the Upper Vipava Peasant Women’s Association), which revealed a number of challenges that stand in the way of achieving equal status for women in rural areas: the low number of women as farm owners; women’s poorer social security; the traditional gender division of labour; the lack of women in public and political life, organising and participation. The author particularly highlights the improvement of infrastructural living conditions as an important element in improving the situation of women in rural areas (facilitating access to services, bringing certain services closer to rural areas).
This master thesis analyses the consequences of the individualisation process for rural women, providing a comparative insight into the socio-economic situation and role of rural women in the 20th century and today. The author concludes that time has brought a certain improvement in the quality of life of rural women, but that the progress in the social life of women has not been satisfactory. Even today, rural women are excluded from public and political life, overburdened with work (the division of labour is largely influenced by gender and related expectations) and economically dependent, which is evidence of the persistence of androcentrism in the everyday lives of rural women.
The thesis presents the traditional perception of rural women, with a special emphasis on the ways they are represented in Slovenian literature, and the theoretical part of the thesis is based on the changes that have taken place, especially in the field of work (division of labour, valuation of work). In the empirical part, the thesis examines the presence and persistence of traditional divisions of labour – it is found that such patterns of division of labour are still very much present, as women are the ones who do most of the work related to caring for the home and family (housework, education), while men do the work related to machinery.
The theoretical part of the thesis highlights some of the specific features of violence against rural women (strong dependence on partners; low self-esteem; lower level of education; strong attachment to the environment; geographical distance to support systems and services; and the existence of traditional gender roles), while the empirical part provides an assessment of exposure to domestic violence. The author concludes that women (regardless of education and age) are more likely to be exposed to harshness, indignation, unfriendliness and quick anger, with younger women in the study sample tolerating violence to a greater extent than older women.